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03/10/2008 14:06  - (SA)  
Mbeki and the ANC split dilemma
By Mathatha Tsedu    

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Related Articles
  • Lekota's Open Letter to Mantashe
  • Radebe responds to Lekota's letter
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  • POLOKWANE, the little dorpie in Limpopo, has become a household name in political circles after the watershed conference of the African National Congress was held near there last year.

    It was at that conference that the fate of Thabo Mbeki, who presided over both the organisation and the state, was sealed. Since then Polokwane represents different things to the two antagonistic groups within the ANC.

    For the one group, it represents the moment of triumph, when democracy was restored and a man who thought he could just dictate to the ANC was shown the door. The will of the people determined policy, they feel.

    To the other, Polokwane represents the tipping point when the "walking wounded", who for reasons ranging from corruption to insolence had found themselves at the mercy of either Mbeki or state institutions, had coalesced and grabbed the organisation.

    The first group surrounds ANC president Jacob Zuma, while the second is with Mbeki.

    The enmity between the two has increased since Polokwane, instead of lessening. This has been fueled in part by a desire by the new leadership to assert its authority over state organs, palpably in preparation for the transition next year.

    The arrogant manner in which this assertion of authority has been exercised, in particular towards Mbeki but not limited to him, has also fueled the antagonism.

    The recall of premiers in Eastern and Western Cape, the virtually intolerable situation of Limpopo premier Sello Moloto who is insulted daily and told he should go, and Beatrice Marshoff and her tenuous hold on to power as Ace Magashule now demands his due, are cases in point.

    This, coupled with how ANCYL leader Julius Malema was given leeway by the leadership to do a weekly and daily preview of how Mbeki was to go, fueled the perception that if you had been with Mbeki pre-Polokwane, you had not only lost the battle there, but even some of your rights as a member of the ANC.

    The result was a dramatic week in which Mbhazima Shilowa, Gauteng premier, announced he was stepping down because decisions being taken by the ANC leadership were, at least for him, indefensible.

    Then came former ANC chairperson Mosiuoa Lekota, who said he could not recognise the organisation that still calls itself the ANC. "For some time now", Lekota wrote to ANC secretary general Gwede Mantashe in a pointedly open letter, "I have lived with the growing sense that our leadership has veered the organisation away from the established policy priorities and customary democratic norms of the ANC".

    Lekota said those who expressed a different view to the Zuma group within the ANC were "hounded out and purged from organisation and state structures. This is contrary to the ANC?s democratic culture".

    And then came the crunch rider at the end of the letter: "This state of affairs leaves me and many other comrades, no doubt, with a clear sense that our membership to the organisation is an endorsement of practices that are dangerous to the democracy that many people in our country struggled to bring into being."

    This, said ANC head of policy Jeff Radebe in response, was Lekota "giving notice to leave the ANC". And it is this that is at the centre of this debate. Is there a group within the ANC that intends to move out? Is Lekota indeed part of it and therefore giving notice?

    In both Radebe and Mantashe?s response when interviewed on radio, Lekota was reminded of the fortunes that befell all other groups that have chosen the path they see him at best contemplating, or at worst already treading.

    Thus the Pan Africanist Congress breakaway in 1959 and its fate, a Group of Eight which tried to split from the ANC in exile and Bantu Holomisa a few years ago were cited.

    For the group that sees Polokwane as the hijack of the ANC by forces of doom, the key question for them is what to do.

    There are at least two options: stay in the ANC, tolerate the insults, allow the new leaders to go into government and get busy there, while you go back to branches and mobilise to take back the ANC in 2012.

    The second option is to accept, as Lekota seems to suggest, that the situation has become untenable and that this may be the time to ship out.

    If the split happens, Lekota and/or whoever would lead it, would be hoping that Mbeki supporters in Polokwane would be the base from which to grow.

    Mbeki garnered 40% of the delegates? votes in Polokwane. But it is not that easy. Determining how many of them are sufficiently angry to want to hive off from the ANC would be important.

    Also, some would have started cohabiting with the new power to ensure personal interests. So for those intent on forming a new party there are too many unknowns.

    While the treatment meted out to Mbeki has angered many people ? not only within the ANC but even amongst non-members who vote for the party ? how many of them would come along? Doesn?t the name ANC still carry too much allure for people to consciously divorce themselves from it?

    Could this be the move into the wilderness that Mantashe and Radebe say awaits anyone who moves out? Where would they get the resources from to build a national machinery that could go into elections within months and pit itself against the juggernaut that is the ANC?

    The BEE league that has been seen as solidly behind Mbeki can and may easily switch allegiances to ensure continued largesse from state tenders.

    And, perhaps most importantly, what would Mbeki?s own position be in this? Does he feel like Lekota? Is he supportive of this move? Mbeki and Lekota have not always been friends, but is the new reality perhaps a moment to forget little differences and focus on the big picture?

    Whatever Mbeki?s position is, it must be agonising. Having given his life to a struggle led by this organisation, being a part of it and leading it for 10 years, it treated him in the most humiliating of ways. Does he hold out for the possibility of 2012 or does he go in with the group that wants out now?

    How important is his view and support in this?

    Political analyst Aubrey Matshiqi says Mbeki finds himself in a conflictual situation where he would feel the ANC had been hijacked and would therefore feel a split is justified. At the same time however, "for Mbeki the ANC is not just a political party or liberation movement, it was and still is his home and his life. The ANC for Mbeki still has significance, and while intellectually he may feel alienated from it and its leadership right now, emotionally he would find it too difficult to detach.

    "For him the ANC goes beyond politics and is therefore very difficult to break away from. He is a man in deep pain, feeling betrayed and would feel the split is justified but still feel such a split would be surrendering the ANC to these people."

    Matshiqi feels if Lekota was to lead a split, strategically they may want to either keep Mbeki out because "politically he is damaged goods", while at the same time they would want the sympathy factor that comes with him presently being seen as a victim of a vicious and embarrassing behaviour by the new ANC leaders.

    "Strategically they need to put him away. He was damaged by lapses in political judgements and decisions within the ANC. That he failed to see he would lose in Polokwane and then failing to step down from the state soon thereafter leading to his recall would mean the new party is taking this baggage along.

    "The victim status over his recall cannot last forever. As a result as a new party, even if he may want to be part of it, which I think highly unlikely, you don?t want him, unless the split and new party are happening in the sole belief that he would be part of it," Matshiqi added.

    He said beyond this, however, the new party faces the dilemma of its own persona and how they position themselves. "From all the debates between Terror (Lekota) and both Gwede (Mantashe) and Jeff (Radebe) their point of reference is the ANC. They want to claim to the true and authentic ANC. They will need their own identity. What do they stand for policy wise. Being a group of disgruntled ANC members is itself not enough," he added.

    Matshiqi felt the timing was also important, and may explain why Lekota chose this week to write an open letter to an organisation he says he still is a member of. Are we about to see the announcement? The next few days should tell.

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    What is new about the sprinter party?, 08/10/2008, mbamedia
    This just looks like a battle of power, I fully agree that Mbeki was a little humiliated by the ANC that he sacrificed his being for it, but technically, he brought it upon himself, he became too dictative and if people are oppressed for a long time, they retaliate, that is exactly what the new ANC executive did, retaliated against his arrogance, as for Cde Lekota and his 'sprinter party', how are they going to be different from the movement? Is this done in bitterness or its genuenely done out of need for change that he failed to bring about 10 years at the helm of the ANC? I think indeed, is a last kick of dying horse that its corpse will belong to the dustbin of history.
    Zuma not fit to be president, 08/10/2008, Vusumzi Mbambisa
    If the ANC were to replace their presidential candidate with Comrade Cyril Ramaphosa, then lot of disgruntled ANC members will think twice. Zuma's image is tarnished. If Zuma wants his name cleared and confidently knows that he is innocent why don't he just go to court and answer to allegations. I have a feeling that Zuma is hiding something from South Africans. I want to reiterate that Cde Cyril Ramaphosa is the most suitable candidate for South African presidency. I sincerely pray and hope that Cde Cyril Ramaphosa distances himself from this ANC NEC. I was looking at the POLOKWANE CONFERENCE, this is the first of its kind. The way the so-called delegates were behaving during the opening of the conference was the first ever in the history of the ANC conferences. The top six and the rest of the NEC is not the quality of leadership the ANC is used to. I want to single out two comrades in the ne of Phosa and Tokyo Sexwale. Tokyo wanted to be a president himself and all of a sudden we saw Sexwale in the hooligans group (Zuma group). Can you trust such a person with this opportunistic approach? Comrade Mbeki was over-stepping by seeking the third term, I think he should have passed the reigns to the equally capable Comrade Cyril Ramaphosa. I sincerely hope the can be a mechanism to remove Skweyiya, Winnie Mandela, Trevor Manuel and Cyril Ramaphosa from this MAD ANC NEC of Polokwane before their names are pulled in the mud. If a special conference cannot be held by ANC to elect new leadership then a split is eminent. I would also join the Old ANC and not the new one from Polokwane. These are my views and wish will be heared for use. SACP, COSATU have now hijacked the new Polokwane ANC. Blade Nzimande is far clever and influential than Zuma. I also believe that Blade Nzimande received the R500 000.00 rands from Willie Madisha. Thank You
    Mbheki and ANC dilema, 07/10/2008, Maphelo Malgas
    There is definately a new party being formed but I think the former president Mbheki will not officially be part of it even though he may support it with resources i.e financial. If you analyse his appeal and JZ's response to the appeal, the two leaders are clearly fighting and their fight is far from over. As for the Archbishop claiming he will not vote because of what is happening in the ANC. I think he is underming the opposition parties because in actual fact he is saying for him its ANC or nothing. I will urge him to clearly state so, just so that he does not discourage other South African's not to vote because of the value they palce in his views. I think the AZAPO-Youth is correct to say he is being careless and I hope other elders will call him into order. By the end of next week we mayy see a new party and the current ANC will definatley lose Eastern Cape to the new ANC.
    ANC split dilemma, 06/10/2008, Anna
    Those of us who have voted for the ANC, but are not members attending conferences have lost faith - we did not ask for all these things to happen. All voters require is honesty, real transparency, adherence to the charter and delivery. Either the ANC is the ANC, or it is just one third of an alliance with three different charters and it has become something else altogether. We need to know who it is we are supporting, and I don't agree with the methods or changing stories of the past few months. They seem like angry strangers to me.
    The ANC, 06/10/2008, Verna Watton
    It is a circus and an embarrasment to ethically minded South Africans who are trying to keep their heads up in a world gone bezerk through greed, selfishness and power hunger.
    ANC split., 06/10/2008, Sven Gohre
    Well written and balanced analysis by Mathatha and Mpho, I cannot but agree that there are serious divisions in the ideology of the ANC as it is now constituted. I have a very small deviation in thought as to how intelligent and sophisticated the citizens of South Africa are. Over the past nine years, Mbeki has, in my opinion, treated the "Masses" ( his label) for the citizens of South Africa, with disdain. South African citizens have proved without a shadow of doubt that they are mature and politically savvy during the Apartheid era, granted it was under the banner of the UDF, whose leaders abdicated to the exiled ANC leaders when they returned to South Africa. If those that supported the UDF now leave the ANC to start a new party, we will indeed have a viable opposition, but if it is just the disenchanted cadres of Mbeki, they will go the same way as the PAC and UDM.
    , 06/10/2008, sindy
    zuma is the man
    ANC SPLITING, 05/10/2008, H.Y MAHMOUD
    THE CURRENT SITUATION IN THE ANC MUST BE A WAKE UP CALL TO ALL AND SUNDRY.THE SAYING GOES THAT A GOVERNMENT IS BY THE PEOPLE, FROM THE PEOPLE AND TO THE PEOPLE. WE MUST LISTEN TO THE PEOPLE WE GOVERN,SO THAT OUR GOVERNMENT WILL BE FOR THE PEOPLE, WE MUST SERVE THE PEOPLE, SO THAT OUR GOVERNMENT WILL BE FOR THE PEOPLE,WE MUST REACH THE PEOPLE SO THAT OUR GOVERNMENT WILL TO THE PEOPLE.
    Zuma/Mbeki, 05/10/2008, Boerseun
    As an Afrikaner I can not vote for the ANC, just as most black people cannot vote for the DA. What we need is a new party, that can be broadly supported by all races, creeds and colours. Without that the future looks bleak for all of us in RSA. Further more, no revolutiinist movement has ever turned into a good government in Africa and the ANC proofs this everyday. Please now is the time for change!
    Ex-Ministers including those serving as LOC Members , 05/10/2008, auria sefanyetso
    With due respect,I am appealing & advising them 2 resign as Board Members of all Structures/Institutions in & out of SA immediately because you guys(ex-m) have demonstrated not to have the welfare of the mass at heart but serve individuals within structures. We have no confidance in you at all, so please do yourselve a lifetime favour and resign from all National Structures. Please refrain from telling us you are available, you are a total fail, disasterous cowards! We have in SA millions of Expects who can render quality service! Please Go. Regarding LOC if SAFA can recall Jordan what would Stop you all to resign as LOC Members? Please Go before you cost us, SA, this Golden Lifetime Opportunity to host WorldCup Event. Please Go Guys, thank you, we do not need your poor individualistic service approach! You are a bunch of useless empty drums ...
    Brilliant article and post by Mpho, 04/10/2008, colin
    Well done,you two. One other point; without Mbeki, many opposition voters and party workers, in the IFP and DA, for example, whom Mbeki has alienated,would join a new non-racial party based upon principle rather than power.
    MBEKI / ZUMA?, 03/10/2008, mpho
    As liberation movements go, the African National Congress (ANC) is a juggernaut. It is up there with once well-regarded organisations like the PLO, SWAPO, Zanu-PF, Frelimo, CCM, and of course, the NRA/NRM/NRM-O! Well-regarded, that is, for staying the course for the people they said they fought for.

    Like the rest of them, the ANC uses its struggle credentials as a blunt instrument in the competition for political power. And like so many other organisations whose transformation from 'terrorists' to 'saviours' was accidental rather than organic, the ANC appears to suffer from a particular dynamic that might yet cause permanent political realignment in South Africa.

    Take this guy Jacob Zuma, the former Vice President and current leader of the ANC. Zuma has been in and out of courts over the last several years in cases ranging from fraud through influence peddling to rape. The last two weeks saw Zuma's latest Houdini move when a judge declared that the National Prosecuting Authority had no right to re-charge him in his corruption case without first conferring with him. Don't worry if you are getting confused--even lawyers who have passed the bar here in South Africa find some of this stuff strange!

    On paper, Zuma is in exactly the same place he was say 10 years ago, when he became Deputy President of ANC. Barring a disaster, he will be South Africa's president this time next year, the whiff of scandal and mischief notwithstanding. There are many business people inside and out of South Africa who will bite their nails just thinking about a Zuma presidency.

    They worry that the comrade has never espoused any clear vision of future of the country, and seems to be in a camp that argues that South Africa is not any better off today than it was 15 years ago. He has in his camp prominent aides who declare that "I will kill for Jacob Zuma!"

    Top on that list is Cosatu (Congress of South African Trade Unions), Africa's largest labour organisation, and an alliance partner with the ANC in government.

    Over the last several years, its vociferous leaders have used the bully pulpit to lambaste Thabo Mbeki and his obsessive attention to the macro-economic picture which they feel has made South Africa a better market, streamlined its finances for foreign direct investment, and institutionalised individual property rights--all at the expense of most South Africans who suffered during apartheid and continue to suffer due to its legacy. For Cosatu, Comrade Zuma represents the safest bet of the current crop of ANC heavyweights: he's only moderately educated; he has not amassed a massive personal fortune; he is a populist; his views on labour and capital appear--at least on paper--to be left-leaning; and above all, he is not Comrade Mbeki or anyone like him.

    Zuma's appeal

    This man-of-the-people demeanour, together with Zuma's successful attempts to blame his legal troubles on a conspiracy woven by those intent on stopping him from running for president, have endeared him to poor South Africans. Many have grown weary of the rags-to-riches stories of some black comrades, almost all well-connected ANC officials. Others are fed up of corruption, and lack of service delivery, and HIV/AIDS, and crime and the massive brain drain.

    There are indeed some who are beginning to question the post-struggle credentials of the ANC, the most vocal being its alliance partners Cosatu, the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the ANC Youth League. There are tensions over whether the country should have a strong or weak national currency; whether it should create more jobs or more opportunities for investment; whether it should support capital or labour during wage disputes; whether to be for or against globalisation; whether to be in-ward looking, or care about what is happening around Africa.

    These tensions have brought South Africa and the ANC to painful crossroads. Over the last few days, they claimed Thabo Mbeki as president, and ushered in the caretaker government of Kgalema Motlanthe.

    Like so many other liberation movements that transformed into political parties, the ANC is having a hell of a time figuring out what to do with its enormous power. As a liberation movement that was outlawed and incessantly hounded by operatives of apartheid's secret police, the ANC needed to maintain vice-like military discipline among its ranks and was almost justified to be intolerant of dissent. Its politburo had to be sure of the absolute loyalty of all comrades because a single leak often meant the violent deaths of many comrades. Its methods were secretive, its decisions final and many of its reprisals violent. But like the NRM in Uganda, the ANC is now a political party in power and forms a government that caters not only for its members, but for millions who do not support it. Yet it still exhibits many of the tendencies of its past.

    Dissent is often chastised at 'treason' or 'racism' whic h stifles the vigorous debate the country needs to stay on the straight and narrow. The ANC president is for example chosen by a National Executive Committee (NEC), which comprises just 88 people, yet this person is guaranteed to become South Africa's next president by virtue of the party's large following among rural voters.

    When the opposition Democratic Alliance (DA) and its partners beat the ANC and took control of the City of Cape Town (thus ensuring that at least one of SA's major cities was not in government hands) during the local government elections in 2006, the ruling party invoked some technical rule that allowed it to force the victors to share power with it. That showdown almost reached the Constitutional Court--SA's highest court--and exposed the ANC as bad losers who were not content with having a 75% share of the seats in the National Assembly, but also wanted total control of all the major municipal governments.

    Then there is the corruption, the high-handedness, as well as the opulent lifestyles of those lucky enough to eat off the high table. The bitterness that the new rich have created in South Africa seems to point to only one thing: a major shift in the way the ruling party identifies itself.

    There are those who feel that democracy would best be served if the ANC were to break up into at least two new parties--as some people have suggested after the shabby treatment of Mbeki. One half would support the interests of the newly moneyed who feel uncomfortable in a formerly all-white party like the DA. The other half would represent the Cosatu-SACP-ANCYL trends in the current ANC. Then we'd have two clear choices: those who want South Africa to champion the interests of capital, and those who champion labour. There would be no majority party and the horse-trading that is often necessary in older democracies would begin.

    It will take a while though to get to that point because the ANC continues to enjoy a sort of honeymoon with the voters.

    But there is no doubt that in its current state, the ANC looks set to repeat the mistakes that have blighted liberation movements around the continent once they got into power. The guys in the NRM-O might of course disagree.

     
     
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